A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.
Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.
This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
Decades after the struggle of the man whose birthday we celebrate today, we are reminded that his work has come very far indeed...and it only stresses how brutal the last mile of the journey will continue to be, one made only by hard-fought inches.
But it will be won.
This is perfect. Well done.
ReplyDeleteIf it is won, Zandar, I do not believe it will be done so in our lifetimes, or even if our children's lifetimes (for those of us who choose to have them, at least).
ReplyDeleteSuch a long way to go, to be fought tooth and nail, just to prevent the step back for each two baby steps that we take...
...and it only stresses how brutal the last mile of the journey will continue to be, one made only by hard-fought inches.
ReplyDeleteWhy don't you define what that last mile is and how we're supposed to get there. I don't know what it is, because you don't say what it is, and would like you to explain it.
Equality for every American, Steve.
ReplyDeleteThis comment has been removed by the author.
ReplyDeleteAnd... cue how it is the white man who is and has always been oppressed.
ReplyDelete(Running joke: edit function.)
And... cue how it is the white man who is and has been oppressed.
ReplyDeleteMy question was not about the white man being oppressed.
Equality for every American, Steve.
Equal protection of the laws and equal opportunity already exist. What kind of equality are you talking about?
What kind of equality are we talking about?
ReplyDeleteDespite the fact that laws against discrimination do not stop all discrimination any more than laws against murder stop all murders, you do remember saying two weeks ago that the equal protection clause in the 14th Amendment didn't technically apply to the 51% of the country that are women, right?
That's just for starters.
...you do remember saying two weeks ago that the equal protection clause in the 14th Amendment didn't technically apply to the 51% of the country that are women, right?
ReplyDeleteNo, I said Scalia had it exactly right as to whom the equal protection clause was directed, and it wasn't at women; and as I mentioned, part of the rest of the 14th Amendment specifically mentions men (those parts are still in effect; no Supreme Court decision can overturn it, only another Amendment). What I also said is that the 14th Amendment was used to discriminate against 49% of the country who are men, thanks to Casey.
Despite the fact that laws against discrimination do not stop all discrimination any more than laws against murder stop all murders,...
That's right. Laws that denote crimes aren't always followed. But who is at fault for that, those making those laws or those breaking those laws? In general, my contention is it isn't the fault of the law, but of the lawbreakers. So if the laws regarding equal protection and equal opportunity, which are actively enforced, are alright, then you still haven't made a case on the equality you are talking about.