Last Call For The Colorado Compact

As climate change continues to cause more storms, droughts, floods and shortages of water and crops in the Western US and elsewhere, states are turning towards broad agreements on rights for waterways like the Colorado River out of necessity.

The seven states that depend on the Colorado River announced on Monday that they have reached an agreement on cutting water use from the river over the next three years to prevent reservoirs from falling to critically low levels.

Representatives of the states reached the consensus after months of negotiations, with California, Arizona and Nevada together committing to reduce water use by about 3 million acre-feet between now and the end of 2026.

The Biden administration announced that the federal Interior Department, which had laid out options for larger reductions, will analyze the proposal from the states.


“This is an important step forward towards our shared goal of forging a sustainable path for the basin that millions of people call home,” Bureau of Reclamation Commissioner Camille Calimlim Touton said.

Interior Secretary Deb Haaland called the agreement a testament to the Biden administration’s commitment to working with states, tribes and communities in the West “to find consensus solutions in the face of climate change and sustained drought.”

The federal government last month had laid out two options for preventing the Colorado River’s depleted reservoirs from reaching dangerously low levels, saying the water cuts could be imposed by following the water-rights priority system or by using an across-the-board percentage. Under those alternatives, federal officials said the cuts would reach more than 2 million acre-feet — a major reduction from the three states’ total apportionment of 7.5 million acre-feet.

 

Water sources like the Colorado River, Great Salt Lake, and the Rio Grande are drying up at record paces. Cities are becoming less and less sustainable as they are right now, places like Phoenix, Las Vegas, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles will have to adapt over the next decade or essentially perish.

Of course, singling out those cities isn't completely fair despite them being ludicrously unsustainable for their size, because we all have a lot of work to do, and increasingly little time and political will to do it in.

Ron's Gone Wrong, Con't

Florida GOP Gov. Ron DeSantis is expected to announce his presidential bid this week, and he's finding out the hard way that his authoritarian attacks on Florida media aren't going to get anyone to cover him and not Donald Trump as having already won the primary. Max Tani at Semafor:

 

The presidential campaign-in-waiting and super PAC supporting Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis are trying to warm up the governor’s cold war with the journalists who cover him.

DeSantis had taken apparent pride in a combative operation, led by his former press secretary Christina Pushaw, that sparred with reporters on Twitter and often ignored their inquiries. Pushaw is poised to run his campaign’s rapid response operation.

But after weeks of relentlessly negative coverage of his nascent campaign, his staff have quietly begun the traditional campaign work of providing access for reporters and input for their stories, according to people close to the various DeSantis organizations and half a dozen journalists who have engaged with them.

The new DeSantis Glasnost has been run primarily through the Never Back Down super PAC. Two 2024 national political reporters said the comms team for the campaign-in-waiting has also been informally reaching out to reporters off the record to spin stories, and has begun to invite some down to Florida to meet key staffers.

"I'm so pushing media engagement. He can't operate like he did in FL,” one person close to DeSantis told Semafor.

"They have been super guarded in Florida, which I think worked very well for them there in a state environment,” the source continued. “It'd be one thing if we were leading or [if] we're only down five.”

My colleague Benjy Sarlin wrote recently that DeSantis had taken the lessons of Donald Trump “literally, not seriously.” Trump attacked the press — but also spoke to them constantly. And it’s now become a common refrain among political reporters that even Trump, a notoriously aggressive critic of his press coverage, has been much more accessible and eager to engage with political reporters in recent months than the Florida governor.

DeSantis still has not sat down with any of the non-Fox networks for a major interview in recent months, and often leaves political events without addressing the media. National reporters who had flown from Washington and Miami to cover the governor’s New Hampshire campaign stop were disappointed when he did not take questions from journalists at a diner or during a meeting with state legislators.

His staff have followed his lead enthusiastically, aggressively publicly admonishing reporters who publish critical coverage of the governor. The hardball tactics of the governor’s office already have pushed some national journalists on the beat to be more careful: Two of the 2024 campaign reporters said they don’t send any emails or texts to the governor’s office they wouldn’t think would end up in an angry or mocking tweet from his press staff.

But the pugilistic stance with the press has done the campaign-in-waiting no favors. The governor’s poll numbers have fallen in the months since his reelection. While DeSantis remains in second in most early primary polls, the governor’s absence from the media has created an opening for other media-friendly candidates like Trump and Vivek Ramaswamy to define the narratives in the race.

I caught a glimpse last year of the governor and his allies’ odd policy toward the news media of ignoring first, and complaining later.

In December, we published a straightforward story about DeSantis’ alternative Florida media ecosystem. While the governor’s team was aware of the piece before it was published, we didn’t receive a response or any information or context from DeSantis’ camp. But despite the fact that the piece we wrote wasn’t particularly negative, the governor’s team criticized the piece on Twitter at length after it was published.

Part of the response can be chalked up to the awkward limbo the governor has been in over the past several months. While Trump and other GOP candidates got into the race early, the Florida governor has waited, meaning the bulk of requests have fallen to his gubernatorial communications staff. That staff has been overwhelmed with a deluge of comment requests, and at times, have steered questions to other employees outside his government office. Now that the campaign is beginning in earnest, DeSantis will have a larger and more official 2024 staff to respond to reporters’ queries.

 

DeSantis can win in red state Florida. He has a whole other set of problems in the other 49 states, chiefly that he's the most awkward also-ran since Connor Roy. 

Now everyone's waiting for Trump to burn out and crash, get indicted and maybe even arrested and taken off the board, but it won't be DeSantis that replaces him should that even happen.

Orange Meltdown, Con't

Hugo Lowell has been following the Trump crime beat for The Guardian, and files this report showing that Trump's legal team knew about and warned Trump about keeping classified documents in his Mar-a-Lago pool closet.

Federal prosecutors have evidence Donald Trump was put on notice that he could not retain any classified documents after he was subpoenaed for their return last year, as they examine whether the subsequent failure to fully comply with the subpoena was a deliberate act of obstruction by the former president.

The previously unreported warning conveyed to Trump by his lawyer Evan Corcoran could be significant in the criminal investigation surrounding Trump’s handling of classified materials given it shows he knew about his subpoena obligations.

Last June, Corcoran found roughly 40 classified documents in the storage room at Mar-a-Lago and told the justice department that no further materials remained at the property. That was later shown to be untrue, after the FBI later returned with a warrant and seized 101 additional classified documents.

The federal investigation led by special counsel Jack Smith has recently focused on why the subpoena was not compiled with, notably whether Trump arranged for boxes of classified documents to be moved out of the storage room so he could illegally retain them.

In particular, prosecutors have fixated on Trump’s valet Walt Nauta, after he told the justice department that Trump told him to move boxes out of the storage room before and after the subpoena. The activity was captured on subpoenaed surveillance footage, though there were gaps in the tapes.

The warning was one of several key moments that Corcoran preserved in roughly 50 pages of contemporaneous notes described to the Guardian on the condition of anonymity, which prosecutors have viewed in recent months as central to the criminal investigation.

The notes revealed how Trump and Nauta had unusually detailed knowledge of the botched subpoena response, including where Corcoran intended to search and not search for classified documents at Mar-a-Lago, as well as when Corcoran was actually doing his search.

Although ordinarily off limits to prosecutors, the notes ended up before the grand jury in Washington hearing evidence in the case after a US appeals court allowed attorney-client privilege to be pierced because judges believed Trump might have used Corcoran’s legal advice in furtherance of a crime.

The notes described how Corcoran told Nauta about the subpoena before he started looking for classified documents because Corcoran needed him to unlock the storage room – which prosecutors have taken as a sign that Nauta was closely involved at essentially every step of the search.

Corcoran then described how Nauta had offered to help him go through the boxes, which he declined and told Nauta he should stay outside. But going through around 60 boxes in the storage room took longer than expected, and the search ended up lasting several days.

The notes also suggested to prosecutors that there were times when the storage room might have been left unattended while the search for classified documents was ongoing, one of the people said, such as when Corcoran needed to take a break and walked out to the pool area nearby.

In addition to his exchange with Trump, Corcoran described Trump’s facial expressions and reactions whenever they discussed the subpoena. The unusually detailed nature of his notes is said to have irritated Trump, who only learned about them after the notes themselves were subpoenaed.

The notes did not address why Corcoran only looked in the storage room, though he separately testified to the grand jury that while Trump did not mislead him about where to search, he did not say where to search either. The New York Times earlier reported a summary of his testimony.

Corcoran did not respond to a request for comment. A spokesperson for the special counsel’s office declined to comment. 

 

Like all decent lawyers, Evan Cochran kept notes. The thing is, attorney-client privilege goes poof when there's probable cause to believe that the legal counsel may have aided in commission of a crime, and "Covering up and lying about illegally storing classified documents" is definitely a criminal act.

 

So now those notes are part of Jack Smith's growing pile of evidence, and Trump knows it.

 

The rest of the GOP knows Trump is poison as well and fewer are willing to drink the Kool-aid in public.

 

Less than a month after the midterms, Republican recruiters were already plotting how to persuade their prized 2022 Senate nominee to run for a Colorado congressional seat in 2024.

Joe O’Dea was popular, personally wealthy and had adopted the kind of moderate positions that would endear him to voters in a swing suburban district, perhaps more easily in a state that has quickly turned blue. He was — and still is — interested. But among his top considerations: what it would mean to share a ballot with Donald Trump, according to two people familiar with his thinking.

As Republicans start to assemble a crop of contenders that can retake the Senate and grow their excruciatingly thin majority in the House, they are running into a persistent complication. The current GOP presidential primary, and Trump’s early dominance, has spooked some potential down-ballot candidates, according to a dozen recruiters, operatives and congressional hopefuls who were granted anonymity to speak candidly with POLITICO about the recruitment process.

Many of their prospective recruits are wary of running alongside Trump, who dominates the spotlight, repels crucial independent voters and forces his fellow Republicans to answer for his unpredictable statements. It’s a dynamic that candidates don’t relish, and it has only come into sharper focus since Trump’s CNN town hall, when he spent 70 minutes on primetime television this month unleashing a torrent of incendiary remarks.

Few Republicans publicly worry the former president will seriously damage their bench in either chamber, and they maintain that many of the candidates on the fence will ultimately decide to run. But Trump’s resurgence has notably chilled recruitment across the country. And because only a handful of seats separate both parties in the House and Senate, any one flop could narrow the path to majority. There’s little margin for error.

“Some people have asked me, ‘Should I run next year?’ If you’re in a swing district, I said, ‘No,’” said former Rep. Barbara Comstock (R-Va.), who lost her suburban district in 2018 during a Trump-fueled Democratic wave. “If he’s going to be the nominee, you are better to wait and run after he washes out. Because you won’t have a prayer of winning.”

 

They're all attached to Trump of course, every single one of them. The only question is how many races that will cost these Republican lackeys, and if 2022 is any indication, 2024 is going to be very bad for the GOP.

 

Good for America, of course.

 

But bad for Trump and the GOP.